Core of The Family’s Network
The Family itself—officially the Fellowship Foundation—is the hub. Based in Arlington, Virginia, with the C Street Center as its D.C. foothold, it’s a loose, unincorporated entity with no public membership roster. Its influence flows through subsidiaries, allied groups, and individuals who share its ethos of discreet Christian power. Here’s how it connects:
1. Internal Affiliates and Subsidiaries
-
National Prayer Breakfast (NPB): Organized by The Family since 1953, this annual event is its most visible arm, though technically run through a separate entity, the Fellowship Foundation Inc., for tax purposes. It’s a nexus for linking U.S. politicians (e.g., every president since Eisenhower) with global elites—businessmen, diplomats, and foreign leaders like Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni. The NPB’s planning involves a network of “prayer groups” worldwide, often led by Family associates.
-
Wilberforce Foundation: A lesser-known financial arm, it owns the C Street Center and has been tied to funding Family activities. Tax records from the 2000s show it managing properties and channeling donations, keeping the group’s operations opaque.
-
International Foundation: Another alias or offshoot, used by Doug Coe to liaise with foreign dignitaries. Archives uncovered by the Los Angeles Times show it facilitating trips and meetings, like a 1970s back-channel between U.S. officials and Middle Eastern leaders.
These aren’t distinct “groups” but extensions of The Family’s brand, designed to compartmentalize activities while maintaining deniability.
2. Political Allies in D.C.
The Family’s influence in Washington hinges on relationships with lawmakers, often housed or mentored at C Street. These aren’t formal groups but clusters of individuals tied by ideology and access:
-
C Street Residents: Senators like John Ensign (R-NV), Tom Coburn (R-OK), Sam Brownback (R-KS), and Representatives like Zach Wamp (R-TN) and Bart Stupak (D-MI) lived there, paying subsidized rent ($600–$950/month). They formed an informal bloc, meeting for prayer and “accountability” sessions that doubled as strategy talks. Scandals in 2009 (Ensign’s affair, Sanford’s confession) revealed how The Family mediated personal crises to preserve political careers.
-
Congressional Prayer Groups: Smaller cells, seeded by The Family across Capitol Hill, connect lawmakers beyond C Street. Sociologist D. Michael Lindsay’s 2007 study found over 100 such groups, with The Family cited as the top faith influence by interviewees. Figures like Senator James Inhofe (R-OK), a frequent Family traveler, linked these to foreign policy moves, like aid to Africa.
-
Republican Ties: While officially nonpartisan, The Family skews conservative. Ties to the Reagan administration (e.g., Ed Meese) and Bush-era figures (e.g., David Kuo) show it aligning with GOP priorities—anti-communism, deregulation, and “family values.”
3. Religious and Evangelical Overlaps
The Family’s theology—”Jesus plus nothing”—sets it apart from mainstream evangelicalism, but it collaborates with like-minded groups:
-
Campus Crusade for Christ (Cru): Founder Bill Bright was a Coe ally, and their shared focus on elite outreach (Bright’s “key men” strategy) mirrored The Family’s. Cru staff often attended Family events, per Sharlet’s reporting.
-
Focus on the Family: Less direct, but James Dobson’s group shared personnel and goals in the 1980s–90s, like pushing abstinence abroad. Rob Schenck, a D.C. insider, noted The Family’s influence dwarfed Dobson’s, though they occasionally co-sponsored initiatives.
-
InterVarsity Christian Fellowship: Early ties under Vereide saw shared members, though InterVarsity later distanced itself. Still, Family prayer cells on campuses echo this legacy.
These aren’t formal alliances but a convergence of networks, with The Family acting as a quiet orchestrator.
Global Connections
The Family’s international reach is where its invisible power shines, linking U.S. elites to foreign regimes through faith-based diplomacy. Here’s the deep dive:
4. Africa
-
Uganda: The Family’s deepest footprint. David Bahati, a Ugandan MP and Family associate, authored the 2009 Anti-Homosexuality Bill, influenced by Coe’s teachings. Senator Inhofe and Representative Joe Pitts (R-PA) funneled U.S. aid to Ugandan abstinence programs, per Mother Jones. President Museveni, a Prayer Breakfast regular, cemented ties, hosting Family delegations.
-
Sudan: Coe’s relationship with Omar al-Bashir, documented in archives, saw The Family broker peace talks in the 1990s, aligning with U.S. interests against Islamic extremism. This overlapped with military aid deals.
-
Somalia: Siad Barre, a Cold War ally, was another Coe contact, with The Family facilitating U.S. support against Soviet-backed Ethiopia, per Getter’s 1980s reporting.
5. Central and South America
-
Guatemala and El Salvador: During the 1980s, The Family connected Reagan officials to death squad leaders like Guatemala’s Efraín Ríos Montt, a born-again Christian. Coe’s team arranged prayer meetings, softening U.S. criticism of atrocities, per LA Times archives.
-
Brazil: Ties to the 1960s–80s military junta came via Family-funded trips for U.S. lawmakers, promoting anti-communist solidarity.
6. Middle East and Asia
-
Indonesia: Suharto’s regime, another anti-communist bulwark, hosted Family associates in the 1970s–80s, with Coe leveraging these ties for U.S. business interests.
-
Saudi Arabia and Lebanon: The Family mediated between U.S. evangelicals and Muslim leaders, like a 2001 African summit Coe arranged, per The New Yorker. This was less ideological, more pragmatic—access to oil and stability.
7. Russia and Eastern Europe
-
Post-Soviet Era: After 1991, The Family pivoted to Russia, hosting prayer breakfasts in Moscow. Maria Butina, a Russian agent indicted in 2018, infiltrated the 2017 NPB, suggesting Kremlin interest in its network. Coe’s earlier ties to Romanian dictator Nicolae Ceaușescu showed a pattern of engaging autocrats.
Broader Ecosystem
Beyond direct links, The Family intersects with:
-
Defense Contractors: Prayer cells included execs from Lockheed Martin and Boeing, per Sharlet, aligning spiritual and military-industrial goals.
-
Foreign Lobbyists: The NPB became a lobbying hotspot, with groups like Nigeria’s Interfaith Mediation Centre (Family-backed) gaining U.S. favor.
How These Relationships Work
The Family’s strength isn’t hierarchy but osmosis—relationships bleed across borders and sectors:
-
Personal Bonds: Coe’s one-on-one mentorship (e.g., with Bahati or Coburn) created loyalty, not contracts.
-
Shared Theology: The “chosen” doctrine—power as God’s will—unites disparate players, excusing flaws (e.g., Sanford’s affair) if they serve the cause.
-
Back-Channel Role: Acting as a go-between for official and unofficial power, like Reagan’s Central America ties or Uganda’s aid.
Limits and Gaps
Concrete evidence of coordination is thin—by design. Tax filings (e.g., $16.8 million in 2007) and leaks (e.g., Coe’s letters) hint at scope, but much relies on anecdotes from defectors like Kuo or Sharlet. Critics argue it’s less a cabal, more a self-aggrandizing clique that exploits faith for access.
Conclusion
The Family’s web spans D.C. lawmakers, global dictators, evangelical allies, and corporate interests, linked by prayer, pragmatism, and power. From C Street to Kampala, it’s less a conspiracy than a network of mutual benefit—each group amplifying the others’ reach. Its influence is real but fluid, thriving in the spaces between official records, making it a masterclass in invisible connection. Digging deeper would need archives or insiders beyond what’s public—but this is the clearest map we can draw from the shadows.